We need slaves to build momumnents

Thursday, October 9, 2008
               တကယ္ေတာ.ဒီေန.ကမ ၻာမွာဒူဘုိင္းရယ္လုိ.နာမည္ႀကီးေအာင္အိနိၵယ၊နဲ.ပါကစၥန္၊ဘဂၤလား
ေဒ.ရွ္နုိင္ငံသားေတြရဲ.အသက္ေသြးေခ်ြးေတြနဲ.တည္ေဆာက္ခဲ.ရ၊ဆက္လက္တည္ေဆာက္ေနဆဲဆုိတဲ
ေဆာက္လုပ္ေရးလုပ္ငန္းခြင္ေတြမွာႀကည္.ယင္သိၿမင္နုိင္ပါတယ္။တရုပ္နုိင္ငံသားမ်ားနဲ.နီေပါနုိင္ငံသား
မ်ား၊အၿခားဆင္းရဲခ်ဴိ.တဲ.တဲ.အာရပ္နုိင္ငံသားမ်ားလဲအနည္းအက်ဥ္းပါ၀င္ပါေသးတယ္။အခုအဲဒီေဆာက္
လုပ္ေရးလုပ္သားေတြရဲ.ဘ၀တစ္စိတ္တစ္ေဒသကုိဖတ္ရွုဳႀကည္.ပါဦး။စတင္ေရာက္ရွိေနၿပီၿဖစ္တဲ.ေရႊၿပည္
ႀကီးကေဆာက္လုပ္ေရးလုပ္သားေတြကုိလည္းဗဟုသုတရေစခ်င္ပါတယ္။


It is already home to the world's glitziest buildings, man-made islands and mega-malls - now

Dubai plans to build the tallest tower . But behind the dizzying construction boom is an army

of migrant labourers lured into a life of squalor and exploitation.


The sun is setting and its dying rays cast triangles of light on to the bodies of the Indian workers. Two are washing themselves, scooping water from tubs in a small yard next to the labour camp's toilets. Others queue for their turn. One man stands stamping his feet in a bucket, turned into a human washing machine. The heat is suffocating and the sandy wind whips our faces. The sprinkles of water from men drying their clothes fall like welcome summer rain.
All around, a city of labour camps stretches out in the middle of the Arabian desert, a jumble of low, concrete barracks, corrugated iron, chicken-mesh walls, barbed wire, scrap metal, empty paint cans, rusted machinery and thousands of men with tired and gloomy faces.
I have left Dubai's spiralling towers, man-made islands and mega-malls behind and driven through the desert to the outskirts of the neighbouring city of Abu Dhabi. Turn right before the Zaha Hadid bridge, and a few hundred metres takes you to the heart of Mousafah, a ghetto-like neighbourhood of camps hidden away from the eyes of tourists. It is just one of many areas around the Gulf set aside for an army of labourers building the icons of architecture that are mushrooming all over the region.
Behind the showers, in a yard paved with metal sheets, a line of men stands silently in front of grease-blackened pans, preparing their dinner. Sweat rolls down their heads and necks, their soaked shirts stuck to their backs. A heavy smell of spices and body odour fills the air.
Next to a heap of rubbish, a man holds a plate containing his meal: a few chillies, an onion and three tomatoes, to be fried with spices and eaten with a piece of bread.
In a neighbouring camp, a group of Pakistani workers from north and south Waziristan sit exhaustedly sipping tea while one of them cooks outside. In the middle of the cramped room in which 10 men sleep, one worker in a filthy robe sits on the floor grinding garlic and onions with a mortar and pestle while staring into the void.
Hamidullah, a thin Afghan from Maydan, a village on the outskirts of Kabul, tells me: "I spent five years in Iran and one year here, and one year here feels like 10 years. When I left Afghanistan I thought I would be back in a few months, but now I don't know when I will be back." Another worker on a bunk bed next to him adds: "He called his home yesterday and they told him that three people from his village were killed in fighting. This is why we are here."
Hamidullah earns around 450 dirhams (£70) a month as a construction worker.
How is life, I ask.
"What life? We have no life here. We are prisoners. We wake up at five, arrive to work at seven and are back at the camp at nine in the evening, day in and day out."
Outside in the yard, another man sits on a chair made of salvaged wood, in front of a broken mirror, a plastic sheet wrapped around his neck, while the camp barber trims his thick beard. Despite the air of misery, tonight is a night of celebration. One of the men is back from a two-week break in his home village in Pakistan, bringing with him a big sack of rice, and is cooking pilau rice with meat. Rice is affordable at weekends only: already wretched incomes have been eroded by the weak dollar and rising food prices. "Life is worse now," one worker told me. "Before, we could get by on 140 dirhams [£22] a month; now we need 320 to 350."
The dozen or so men sit on newspapers advertising luxury watches, mobile phones and high-rise towers. When three plastic trays arrive, filled with yellowish rice and tiny cubes of meat, each offers the rare shreds of meat to his neighbours.
All of these men are part of a huge scam that is helping the construction boom in the Gulf. Like hundreds of thousands of migrant workers, they each paid more than £1,000 to employment agents in India and Pakistan. They were promised double the wages they are actually getting, plus plane tickets to visit their families once a year, but none of the men in the room had actually read their contract. Only two of them knew how to read.
"They lied to us," a worker with a long beard says. "They told us lies to bring us here. Some of us sold their land; others took big loans to come and work here."
Once they arrive in the United Arab Emirates, migrant workers are treated little better than cattle, with no access to healthcare and many other basic rights. The company that sponsors them holds on to their passports - and often a month or two of their wages to make sure that they keep working. And for this some will earn just 400 dirhams (£62) a month.
A group of construction engineers told me, with no apparent shame, that if a worker becomes too ill to work he will be sent home after a few days. "They are the cheapest commodity here. Steel, concrete, everything is up, but workers are the same."
As they eat, the men talk more about their lives. "My shift is eight hours and two overtime, but in reality we work 18 hours," one says. "The supervisors treat us like animals. I don't know if the owners [of the company] know."
"There is no war, and the police treat us well," another chips in, "but the salary is not good."
"That man hasn't been home for four years," says Ahmad, the chef for the night, pointing at a well-built young man. "He has no money to pay for the flight."
A steel worker says he doesn't know who is supposed to pay for his ticket back home. At the recruiting agency they told him it would be the construction company - but he didn't get anything in writing.
One experienced worker with spectacles and a prayer cap on his head tells me that things are much better than they used to be. Five years ago, when he first came, the company gave him nothing. There was no air conditioning in the room and sometimes no electricity. "Now, they give AC to each room and a mattress for each worker."
Immigrant workers have no right to form unions, but that didn't stop strikes and riots spreading across the region recently - something unheard of few years ago. Elsewhere in Mousafah, I encounter one of the very few illegal unions, where workers have established a form of underground insurance scheme, based on the tribal structure back home. "When we come here," one member of the scheme tells me, "we register with our tribal elders, and when one of us is injured and is sent home, or dies, the elders collect 30 dirhams from each of us and send the money home to his family."
In a way, the men at Mousafah are the lucky ones. Down in the Diera quarter of old Dubai, where many of the city's illegal workers live, 20 men are often crammed into one small room.
UN agencies estimate that there are up to 300,000 illegal workers in the emirates.
On another hot evening, hundreds of men congregate in filthy alleyways at the end of a day's work, sipping tea and sitting on broken chairs. One man rests his back on the handles of his pushcart, silently eating his dinner next to a huge pile of garbage.
In one of the houses, a man is hanging his laundry over the kitchen sink, a reeking smell coming from a nearby toilet. Next door, men lie on the floor. They tell me they are all illegal and they are scared and that I have to leave.
Outside, a fistfight breaks out between Pakistani workers and Sri Lankans.
The alleyways are dotted with sweatshops, where Indian men stay until late at night, bending over small tables sewing on beads.
A couple of miles away, the slave market becomes more ugly. Outside a glitzy hotel, with a marble and glass facade, dozens of prostitutes congregate according to their ethnic groups: Asians to the right, next to them Africans, and, on the left, blondes from the former Soviet Union. There are some Arab women. Iranians, I am told, are in great demand. They charge much higher prices and are found only in luxury hotels.
Like the rest of the Gulf region, Dubai and Abu Dhabi are being built by expat workers. They are strictly segregated, and a hierarchy worthy of previous centuries prevails.
At the top, floating around in their black or white robes, are the locals with their oil money. Immaculate and pampered, they own everything. Outside the "free zones", where the rules are looser, no one can start a business in the UAE without a partner from the emirates, who often does nothing apart from lending his name. No one can get a work permit without a local sponsor.
Under the locals come the western foreigners, the experts and advisers, making double the salaries they make back home, all tax free. Beneath them are the Arabs - Lebanese and Palestinians, Egyptians and Syrians. What unites these groups is a mixture of pretension and racism.
"Unrealistic things happen to your mind when you come here," a Lebanese woman who frequently visits Dubai tells me as she drives her new black SUV. "Suddenly, you can make $5,000 [£2,800] a month. You can get credit so easy, you buy the car of your dreams, you shop and you think it's a great bargain; when you go to dinner, you go to a hotel ... nowhere else can you live like this."
Down at the base of the pyramid are the labourers, waiters, hotel employees and unskilled workers from India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Ethiopia, the Philippines and beyond. They move deferentially around the huge malls, cafes, bars and restaurants, bowing down and calling people sir and madam. In the middle of the day, during the hottest hours, you can see them sleeping in public gardens under trees, or on the marble floors of the Dubai Mosque, on benches or pieces of cardboard on side streets. These are the victims of the racism that is not only flourishing in the UAE but is increasingly being exported to the rest of the Middle East. Sometimes it reminds you of the American south in the 1930s.
One evening in Abu Dhabi, I have dinner with my friend Ali, a charming Iraqi engineer whom I have known for two decades. After the meal, as his wife serves saffron-flavoured tea, he pushes back his chair and lights a cigar. We talk about stock markets, investment and the Middle East, and then the issue of race comes up.
"We will never use the new metro if it's not segregated," he tells me, referring to the state-of-the-art underground system being built in neighbouring Dubai. "We will never sit next to Indians and Pakistanis with their smell," his wife explains.
Not for the first time, I am told that while the immigrant workers are living in appalling conditions, they would be even worse off back home - as if poverty in one place can justify exploitation in the other.
"We need slaves," my friend says. "We need slaves to build monuments. Look who built the pyramids - they were slaves."
Sharla Musabih, a human rights campaigner who runs the City of Hope shelter for abused women, is familiar with such sentiments. "Once you get rich on the back of the poor," she says, "it's not easy to let go of that lifestyle. They are devaluing human beings," she says. "The workers might eat once a day back home, but they have their family around them, they have respect. They are not asking for a room in a hotel - all they are asking for is respect for their humanity."
Towards the end of another day, on a fabulous sandy beach near the Dubai marina, the waves wash calmly over the beautiful sand. A couple are paragliding over the blue sea; on the new islands, gigantic concrete structures stand like spaceships. As tourists laze on the beach, Filipino, Indian and Pakistani workers, stand silently watching from a dune, cut off from the holidaymakers by an invisible wall.
Behind them rise more brand-new towers.
"It's a Green Zone mentality," a young Arab working in IT tells me. "People come to make money. They live in bubbles. They all want to make as much money as possible and leave."
Back at the Mousafah camps, a Pakistani worker walks me through his neighbourhood. On both sides of the dusty lane stand concrete barracks and the familiar detritus: raw sewage, garbage, scrap metal. A man washes his car, and in a cage chickens flutter up and down.
We enter one of the rooms, flip-flops piled by the door.
Inside, a steelworker gets a pile of papers from a plastic envelope and shoves them into my lap. He is suing the company that employed him for unpaid wages. "I've been going to court for three months, and every time I go they tell me to come in two weeks." His friends nod their heads. "Last time the [company] lawyer told me, 'I am in the law here - you will not get anything."
Economically, Dubai has progressed a lot in the past 10 years, but socially it has stayed behind," says Musabih. "Labour conditions are like America in the 19th century - but that's not acceptable in the 21st century

World's tallest building plan

Monday, October 6, 2008



မေန.ကဒူဘုိင္းနဲ.ဒီေန.ဒူဘုိင္းၿပဳိင္ေနတယ္လုိ.ေၿပာလုိ.ရေလာက္ေအာင္ပဲလက္ရွိကမ ၻာ.
အၿမင္.ဆံုးမုိးေမွ်ာ္တုိက္ေတာင္အၿပီးမသတ္ရေသးဘူး၊အခုသူ.ထက္ၿမင္.တဲ.မုိးေမွ်ာ္တုိက္တစ္ခုထပ္
ေဆာက္ဖုိ.ကမၻာ.အႀကီးဆံုးအိမ္ၿခံေၿမေဆာက္လုပ္ေရာင္း၀ယ္ေရးကုမၸဏီတစ္ခုၿဖစ္တဲ.ဒူဘုိင္းအေၿခ
စုိက္ Nakheel Company ကေႀကၿငာလုိက္ၿပန္ပါၿပီ။စီးပြားေရးသမားပီသစြာထပ္ေဆာက္မယ္.အ
ေဆာက္အဦးရဲ.အၿမင္.ကုိေတာ.အတိအက်ထုတ္မေၿပာေသးပါဘူး။ေၿပာယင္ေနာက္တစ္ေယာက္
ကသူ.ထက္ၿမင္.ေအာင္လုိက္ေဆာက္ဦးမွာကုိး။
အဲဒီအေဆာက္အဦးကဘယ္ေလာက္ၿမင္.မယ္အတိအက်မသိရေပမယ္.အဲဒီတုိ္က္ေဆာက္
ရာမွာသံုးမယ္.သံယက္မေခ်ာင္းေတြကုိအလ်ားလုိက္ခ်ထားမယ္ဆုိယင္ဒူဘုိင္းကေနနယူေယာက္အထိ
ေတာင္ရွည္လ်ားပါတယ္တဲ.ခင္ဗ်ား။

Dubai’s skyline is set to become more dramatic after property developer Nakheel on Sunday announced plans for a kilometre-high tower complex. The tower, which will become the centrepiece of a 270-hectare community in the heart of ‘New Dubai’ near Jebel Ali, will surpass Burj Dubai’s estimated final height of about 800m.

The tower, which will become the centrepiece of a 270-hectare community in the heart of ‘New Dubai’ near Jebel Ali, will surpass Burj Dubai’s estimated final height of about 800mIt will take more than 10 years to complete at an expected cost of about Dh140 billion.

Nakheel Harbour & Tower, inspired by Islamic design and featuring the world’s only inner city harbour, was launched at a VIP event attended by Dubai’s Crown Prince Shaikh Hamdan bin Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum and hosted by Sultan Ahmed bin Sulayem, Chairman of Dubai World, which owns Nakheel.

Nakheel CEO Chris O’Donnell would not reveal the tower’s final height and was cautious about calling it the world’s tallest ahead of numerous other proposals, including the ‘mile high tower’ in Jeddah planned by Kingdom Holdings.

“It may be the tallest tower. You don’t have to be the tallest tower, you just have to be an iconic development,” he said.

The tower, to be located on the corner of the Arabian Canal and Shaikh Zayed Road, will be come home to more than 55,000 people, a work place for 45,000 more and is expected to attract millions of visitors a year.

O’Donnell would not give the exact cost of the development but was confident of funding which, he said, would be drawn from Nakheel’s overall project financing.

“It will be a combination of pre-sales of land in and around the tower, and then project funding,” O’Donnell said.

He said the global economic climate would drive a fight among financiers and banks for quality investments such as Nakheel.

The developers’ good relations with top international banks would continue to be a source for funding “including some that are now parts of other banks as well — but that’s okay”, he said.

The foundation work is already under way and is expected to take two to three years.

Architects Woods Bagot and engineers WSP group are involved in the development.

Nakheel Tower will have four individual towers within a single structure.

A crescent-shaped podium will encircle the base. The development will incorporate elements of historic Islamic cities — the gardens of Alhambra in Spain, the harbour of Alexandria in Egypt, the promenade of Tangier in Morocco and the bridges of Isfahan in Iran.

It will be surrounded by 40 smaller high-rise buildings, ranging from 20 to 90 floors.

The development will include 3,400 hotel rooms and a luxury hotel unit near the pinnacle of the tower.

စစ္ကုိင္းေရႊဟသၤာဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီးအားဖူးေမွ်ာ္ခဲ.ရၿခင္း

 
               စံလြန္ေတာ္မူသြားၿပီၿဖစ္ေသာအဘိဓဇမဟာရ႒ဂုုရုေရႊက်င္သာသနာပုိင္စစ္ကုိင္း
ေရႊဟသၤာတုိက္သစ္ဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီးအားဖူးေမွ်ာ္ႀကည္ညဳိခြင္.ရခဲ.သည္မွာနွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ား
စြာႀကာၿမင္.ခဲ.ေပမယ္.ယေန.ထိတုိ္င္စိတ္ထဲတြင္ႀကည္နူးမဆံုးပင္။ထုိစဥ္ကပင္ဆရာေတာ္ဘု
ရားႀကီးမွာသက္ေတာ္၁၀၂ နွစ္သိကၡာေတာ္၈၃ ၀ါရွိေနပါၿပီ။
               သက္ေတာ္ရွည္သာသနာပုိင္ဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီးကြ်န္ေတာ္၏ဆရာၿဖစ္သူ၏ေက်ာင္း
သုိ.ေဆာက္လုပ္ၿပီးေသာသိမ္ေတာ္ႀကီးေရစက္ခ်ပြဲသုိ.ႀကြေရာက္ခ်ီးၿမွင္.မည္ဆုိေသာေႀကာင္.ကြ်န္
ေတာ္တုိ.အားလံုးသဒၶါတရားထက္သန္စြာၿဖင္.အခန္းအနားအတြက္ၿပင္ဆင္ႀကပါသည္။
              ဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီးဘုန္းေပးဖုိ.နြားနုိ.လတ္လတ္ဆတ္ဆတ္ရဖုိ.ကုိပင္ကြ်န္ေတာ္
ကုိယ္တုိင္ထုိေန.မနက္မွာနြားေမြးသူထံသုိ.သြားေရာက္၀ယ္ယူခဲ.ပါသည္။မွတ္မွတ္ရရဆရာေတာ္
ဘုရားႀကီးမႀကြမီညတြင္ဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီးသီတင္းသံုးရာေက်ာင္းသုိ.ဖုန္းဆက္ရ်္ေသခ်ာေအာင္
အတည္ၿပဳရာဖုန္းေၿဖေသာဆရာေတာ္မွာဦးပညာသီရိဟုသိရသည္။
               ဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီးႀကြေရာက္လာေသာအခါေမာ္ေတာ္ကားမွာက်ြန္ေတာ္တုိ.ေက်ာင္း
ေရွ.အထိေမာင္းၿပီးမ၀င္ေစပဲခပ္လွမ္းလွမ္းရွိလမ္းထိပ္တြင္ရပ္ကာေရွးေခတ္သုံးကုလားထုိင္ႀကီးၿဖင္.
ထမ္းရ်္ပင္.ခဲ.ႀကပါသည္။လမ္းေဘးတစ္ေလွ်ာက္ဖူးေမွ်ာ္သူမ်ားၿဖင္.စည္ကားလွသည္။ဂုိဏ္းခ်င္းမတူ
ေသာသံဃာမ်ားပင္သူတုိ.၏ေက်ာင္းေရွ.မွထြက္ရ်္ဖူးေမွ်ာ္ႀကရာ၊ဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီး၏သီလဂုဏ္
သမာဓိဂုဏ္မ်ားကုိပုိမုိႀကည္ညဳိမိပါသည္။
               ေက်ာင္းသုိ.ေရာက္ေသာအခါသိမ္ေတာ္ႀကီးမွာသံုးထပ္ၿဖစ္ရ်္အခ်ဴိးအေကြ.ေလွခါးမ်ား
ၿဖင္.တက္ရမည္ၿဖစ္ရာသက္ေတာ္ ၁၀၂ နွစ္ရွိၿပီၿဖစ္ေသာဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီးအားကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ.
ကဒကာနွစ္ေယာက္မခ်ီရ်္ပင္.ေဆာင္ရန္စီစဥ္ပါသည္။(သိမ္ေလွကားကလည္းက်ဥ္းပါသည္။)ထုိ
အခါဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီးကၿငင္းပယ္ေတာ္မူၿပီးဘုန္းႀကီးကုိယ္တုိင္ေလွ်ာက္တက္နုိင္ပါတယ္ဟု
မိန္.ႀကားပါသည္။ထုိ.ေႀကာင္.ငယ္၇ြယ္သူၿဖစ္ေသာက်ြန္ေတာ္သာဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီးေဘးမွတြဲ
ရ်္သံုးထပ္ၿမင္.ေသာသိမ္ေပၚသုိ.ေလွခါးထစ္မ်ားကုိနင္းရ်္ပင္.ေဆာင္ခဲ.ရပါသည္္။ေရစက္ခ်ပဲြက်င္း
ပမည္.အေပၚဆံုးထပ္သုိ.ေရာက္ေသာအခါက်ြန္ေတာ္.မွာေမာဟုိက္ရ်္ေနေသာ္လည္းဆရာေတာ္
ဘုရားႀကီးမွာပံုမွန္ပင္အသက္ရွဴသံပင္တုိးမလာပါ။အသက္ေတာ္နွင္.မမ်ွသတိသမာဓိေကာင္းလွ
ေတာ္မူေသာဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီးပင္။ထုိစဥ္ကတရားပြဲကုိသိမ္၏ေအာက္ဆံုးသုိ.မဟုတ္ပထမ
ထပ္ေလာက္တြင္လုပ္ရန္က်ြန္ေတာ္အႀကံၿပဳခဲ.ပါေသးသည္။အေပၚဆံုးထပ္ဆုိလွ်င္သက္ေတာ္
ႀကီးရင္.ၿပီၿဖစ္ေသာဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီးပင္ပန္းမည္စုိးေသာေႀကာင္.ပင္။ေလွခါးမ်ားကက်ဥ္းလြန္း
ေသာေႀကာင္.ေ၀ါယာဥ္ၿဖင္.ပင္.ရန္မၿဖစ္နုိင္ေႀကာင္းသိေသာေႀကာင္.ပင္။သုိ.ေသာ္ထုိစဥ္က
ေအာက္ထပ္မ်ားကမြန္းမံရ်္မၿပီးေသး။သုိ.နွင္.အေပၚဆံုးအထပ္သုိ.ေရြးလုိက္ႀကသည္။ကြ်န္ေတာ္
သာတစ္ၿဖစ္ေတာက္ေတာက္နွင္.ေၿပာမဆံုး။
               သက္ေတာ္ ၉၀ အထိဆြမ္းခံထြက္ခဲ.ေသာဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီးကားက်ြန္ေတာ္တုိ.
လုိလူငယ္မ်ားပင္ေမာဟုိက္ရေသာသံုးထပ္သိမ္ေက်ာင္းေပၚသုိ.သက္သာစြာပင္တက္ေရာက္အပူ
ေဇာ္ခံခဲ.ေပသည္။ဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီးအားဆြမ္းကပ္ရာတြင္လည္းလဘက္ပဲြမွပဲႀကမ္းေက်ာ္မ်ား
ကုိဘုန္းေပးသည္ကုိဖူးေတြ.ရသည္မွာအံ.မခန္းပင္။ယၡဳကတည္းကပင္သြားမ်ားမေကာင္းခ်င္ေတာ.
ေသာကြ်န္ေတာ္လုိလူအတြက္သက္ေတာ္ ၁၀၀ ေက်ာ္ဆရာေတာ္ႀကီးကပဲႀကမ္းေက်ာ္မ်ားဘုန္း
ေပးနိုိင္သည္ဆုိေတာ.မအံ.ႀသပဲမေနနုိင္ေတာ.ေပ။သီလေကာင္းသူသည္အနာေရာဂါကင္းရွင္း
ေႀကာင္း၊ကုိယ္ခနၶာခန္.က်န္းေႀကာင္းကုိဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီးကသက္ေသထူေနခဲ.ၿပီတကား။
               ပူေဇာ္ပဲြတြင္သိမ္ေက်ာင္းေတာ္ႀကီးတစ္ခုလံုးအၿပည္.တရားနာပရိတ္သတ္မ်ားလာ
ေရာက္ရ်္ဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီးကုိဖူးေမွ်ာ္ကန္ေတာ.ႀကပါသည္။ဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီးမွေရစက္
ခ်တရားေဟာႀကားၿပီးဖူးေမွ်ာ္သူဒကာဒကာမမ်ားကလွဴဖြယ္၀တၱဳပစၥည္းမ်ားၿဖင္.ဆက္ကပ္လွဴ
ဒါန္းႀကပါသည္။ထုိသုိ.လွဴဒါန္းရာတြင္၀တၱဳေငြေႀကးမ်ားပါလွ်င္အနာမာသပစၥည္းမ်ားၿဖစ္ရ်္ကုိယ္
ေတာ္တုိင္လက္ၿဖင္.အလွဴမခံပဲအနီးရွိကြ်န္ေတာ.အားေပးအပ္ရန္လြဲေပးပါသည္။အမ်ားစုေသာ
ဒကာဒကာမမ်ားမွာထုိအခ်က္ကုိပင္မသိပဲဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီးလက္ထဲကုိသာလွ်င္၀တၱဳေငြ
ေႀကးမ်ားအတင္းလွဴဒါန္းေနႀကသည္ကုိစိတ္ပ်က္ဖြယ္ရာေတြ.ေနရသည္။လက္ခံသည္.ဘုန္း
ႀကီးေတြကလည္းလက္ခံႀကသည္ကုိး။
               ပူေဇာ္ပဲြၿပီးရ်္ထုိစဥ္ ၁၉၉၀ ေက်ာ္ခုနွစ္ကအလွဴေငြခုနွစ္ေသာင္းေက်ာ္ရသည္ကုိ
အားလံုးပင္က်ြန္ေတာ္တုိ.ေက်ာင္းသုိ.ၿပန္ရ်္စြန္.လွဴသြားပါသည္။ခ်ဴိ.တဲ.ေသာရန္ကုန္ၿမဳိ.စြန္
ရွိေက်ာင္းမုိ.ဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီးကရုဏာသက္ပံုရပါသည္။ေရႊက်င္ဂုိဏ္း၀င္ေက်ာင္းၿဖစ္ရ်္
လည္းအပင္ပန္းခံရ်္လာေရာက္ခ်ီးၿမွင္.ၿခင္းၿဖစ္ပါသည္။
               ထုိစဥ္ကပူေဇာ္ပဲြသုိ.ေမွာ္ဘီသာသနာ.၀န္ေဆာင္ဆရာေတာ္၊တိပိဋကဓရပဥၥနိကာ
ယဆရာေတာ္ဦးေကာသလႅတုိ.လည္းႀကြေရာက္ခ်ီးၿမွင္.ႀကပါသည္။သုိ.ေသာ္သက္ေတာ္ရွည္
စစ္ကုိင္းေရႊဟသၤာဘုရားႀကီးႀကြေရာက္ရ်္ပရိတ္သတ္မ်ားအထူးစည္ကားလွသည္ကုိမွတ္မိေန
ပါသည္။
                ထုိမွေနာက္တစ္နွစ္တြင္ဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီးပ်ံလြန္ေတာ္မူေႀကာင္း၀မ္းနည္း
ဖြယ္ႀကားသိခဲ.ရပါေတာ.သည္။

မ်က္ႏွာႏွစ္ဘက္နဲ႔ ဒဂၤါးတစ္ေစ့

      ဖတ္မိလုိ.ႀကဳိက္မိတဲ.ကဗ်ာေလးတစ္ပုဒ္ခြင္.ေတာင္းၿပီးတင္လုိုက္ပါတယ္။
ႀကဳိက္မိလုိ.တင္ကာမွၿပႆနာေတြနဲ.တုိးေနတယ္။အမွန္ေတာ.ေတြ.မိိတံုးကထင္မိတာကမူရင္း
ေရးတဲ.သူကကုိမ်ဴိးေဆြလုိ.ထင္မိတာကုိး။ဒါနဲ.သူ.ကုိပဲခြင္.ေတာင္းလုိက္တာပါ။သူကလဲပထမေတာ.
ၿပႆနာမတက္ေလာက္ဖူးထင္လုိ.အလြယ္တစ္ကူပဲတင္နုိင္ပါတယ္ဆုိၿပီးကဗ်ာပါတဲ.ပုိ.စ္ရဲ.ကြန္မန္.
မွာေရးလုိက္တယ္။ၿပီးေတာ.မွဒီကဗ်ာသူေရးတာမဟုတ္ဘူးဆုိၿပီးေနာက္ကြန္မန္.မွာထပ္ေရးတယ္။
မူရင္းေရးတဲ.သူကိုေတာ.ဘယ္သူၿဖစ္တယ္ဆုိတာမေၿပာဘူး။
       ကြ်န္ေတာ္ကေတာ.ကုိယ္.ဘေလာ.ကpersonal blog လည္းၿဖစ္တယ္။ကုိယ္.မွတ္စုစာအုပ္လုိ
ပဲသေဘာထားၿပီးကုိယ္ႀကဳိက္တဲ.စာသား၊ကဗ်ာေလးေတြကုိမွတ္တမ္းအေနနဲ.သိမ္းထားခ်င္တဲ.သေဘာ
ပါပဲ။တကူးတကကြန္မန္.လာေပးတဲ.ညီငယ္(ကုိ)ေကာင္းကင္ကုိ ကုိေက်းဇူးအထူးတင္ပါတယ္။


ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ gunမ်ားၾကားထဲ ပ်ံသန္း ေနရတဲ့ငွက္
ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ စမ္းတဝါးဝါးနဲ႔ အသံစမ္း ေနရတဲ့လက္

ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ သံဃာကိုေတာင္ သတ္ရဲတဲ႔ ေသနတ္
ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ ပင္လယ္လို ျဖဲထားတဲ့ ပါးစပ္

ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ ကမၻာအႏွံ႔ က အာခံၾကမယ့္ သိမ္းငွက္တစ္ေထာင္
ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ အေမရိကန္ကို သြားဖို ႔လက္မွတ္တစ္ေစာင္

ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ ဘယ္ေနရာကို ေရာက္ေရာက္ ေသြးထဲက မီးထေတာက္မယ့္ သူပုန္
ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ ဘယ္ေနရာကို ေရာက္ေရာက္ အက်င့္မေပ်ာက္တဲ့ ေခြးျမီးေကာက္

ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ ခြပ္ေဒါင္းေတြ လက္ထဲက ဝရဇိန္လက္နက္
ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ ေမ်ာက္ေတြ လက္ထဲက အုန္းသီးတစ္လံုး

ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ ေသြးနဲ ့ေရးခဲ့တဲ့ ၾသဂုတ္၊စက္တင္ဘာ သမိုင္း
ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ ေရေပၚမွာေရးလိုက္တဲ့ ေၾကျငာခ်က္ တစ္ေစာင္

ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ အေရျပားေပၚမွာ ၾကက္သီးေတြ စီးဆင္းသြားေစတဲ့ ဟစ္ေဟာ့ သီခ်င္းတစ္ပုဒ္
ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ ဘေလာ့ေတြထဲမွာ အေညာင္းမိေနတဲ့ ေကာ္ပီ သတင္းတစ္ပုဒ္

ႏိုင္ငံေရးဟာ ကေလးတစ္ေယာက္ရဲ ့ဗိုက္ထဲက တဂီြဂီြထြက္လာတဲ့ တကယ့္အမွန္
ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ မီဒီယာေပၚမွာ ဆရာသမား တစ္ေယာက္ ဇြတ္အတင္းလုပ္ျပီး ေျပာလိုက္တဲ့ အသံ

ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ ပါးစပ္ပိတ္ေနရတဲ့ လူထု
ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ ေၾကးမံု စကၠဴစုတ္ထဲက အကၡရာအစု

ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ အာဟာရ ျပတ္ေနတဲ့ ဆင္ျဖဴေတာ္
ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ ေဒၚလာငတ္ ေနတဲ့ ေၾကာင္သူေတာ္

ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ ေထာင္ထဲမွာ လူမသိသူမသိ ေသသြားရွာတဲ့ အညတရ ေက်ာင္းသားတစ္ေယာက္
ႏိုင္ငံေရးဟာ ကိုယ့္ဘာသာကိုယ္ သတ္မွတ္လိုက္တဲ့ အေဝးက အာဇာနည္ တစ္ေယာက္

ႏိုင္ငံေရးဟာ မိစၦာတို႔ရဲ ႔ လူသတ္ကြင္း တစ္ကြင္း
ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ အီလစ္တို႔ရဲ ႔ ကစားကြင္း တစ္ကြင္း

ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ ဘတ္စ္ကားၾကပ္ၾကပ္ေပၚမွာ တိုးေဝွ ့ေနရတဲ့ နံနက္
ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ ၾကယ္ေတြဘယ္ေလာက္ထြက္ထြက္ လင္းမလာေသးတဲ့ည

ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ လမ္းမေတြ ေပၚမွာ ေျခဗလာနဲ ့ေလွ်ာက္ခဲ့ၾကတဲ့ ေျခေထာက္
ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ ဖိနပ္နဲ ့မေတာ္လို႔ အျဖတ္ခံလုိက္ရတဲ့ ဖေနာင့္

ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ ငါတို႔ေမြးထားရမယ့္ တေစၦတစ္ေကာင္
ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ ပုပ္ပြေနတဲ့ အေသတစ္ေကာင္

တစ္ခါတစ္ခါမွာ ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းရဲ ့စကားတစ္ခြန္း
“ႏိုင္ငံေရးဆိုတာ အင္မတန္ မြန္ျမတ္သန္႔စင္ၿပီး၊
သူေတာ္ေကာင္းေတြမွသာ လုပ္ႏိုင္တဲ့ အလုပ္”
တစ္ခါတစ္ခါမွာ ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ ေဒါက္တာသန္းထြန္းရဲ ့စကားတစ္ခြန္း
“ငါ့ လက္ဝဲက လူကိုလည္း ေစ့ေစ့စပ္စပ္ၾကည့္တယ္၊
ငါ့လက္ယာက လူကိုလည္း ဒီလိုပဲ အားမနာတမ္း ၾကည့္တယ္၊
ေစတနာ အေခ်ာင္းလည္းမျမင္ဘူး၊
အျပားလည္းမျမင္ဘူး”

ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ ဘဝေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ထည့္ေလွာင္ထားတဲ့ စစ္ဖိနပ္တစ္ရံ
ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ ဆူးေလဘုရားနားက ပစ္ခတ္သံ

ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ အခ်စ္ကဗ်ာ တစ္ပုဒ္နဲ ႔ ကိုေစာေဝ ပစ္လို္က္တဲ့ မိုးၾကိဳး
ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ အက်ဥ္းေထာင္ထဲ လြတ္က်သြားတဲ့ ျမိဳ ့ေတာ္

ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ စက္တင္ဘာ မိနစ္မွာ တုိင္ထိျပီး ျပန္ထြက္လာတဲ့ ေဘာလံုးတစ္လံုး

ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ အတၱလက္အိတ္ေတြ စြပ္ျပီး ထိုးေနၾကတဲ႔ ခပ္ေပ်ာ့ေပ်ာ့ လက္သီး

ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ “လက္နက္”နဲ႔ “ဓားျပတိုက္ခြင့္” လဲလွယ္ထားတဲ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး

ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ ယားနာေတြကို ဖံုးဖို ့ထဘီရွည္ရွည္ ဝတ္ျပီး ကၠဳေျႏၵရွင္ေယာင္ ေဆာင္ထားတဲ့ အပ်ိဳမ
ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ မိတ္ကပ္ေတြဖို ့ထားတဲ့ ေတာတြင္း ဥပေဒသ

ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ ညစ္ေပတဲ့ လက္ေတြနဲ ့အိုးမည္း အသုတ္ခံလုိက္ရတဲ့ မ်က္ႏွာ
ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ တလြဲဘာသာအျပန္ခံလိုက္ရတဲ့ ကဗ်ာတစ္ပုဒ္

ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ တစ္ေတာလံုး စိမ္းစုိဖို ့ကိုယ္စီ ေဝဆာေပးရမယ့္ သစ္ပင္
ႏိုင္ငံေရးမွာ ၾကြက္ခုတ္ဖို ့က အဓိက

ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ ငါတို႔ မေျဖၾကပဲ ခ်န္ထားခဲ့တဲ့ ပုစ ၦာ
ႏိုင္ငံေရးဟာ ေပါက္ကြဲ ေစခ်င္ေဇာနဲ ႔ ငါတို ႔အားလံုးေမွ်ာ္ေနရတဲ့ ကတၱီပါ ဗံုးတစ္လံုး။


ေကာင္းကင္ကုိ

အားက်ေစခ်င္လြန္းလုိ.

Saturday, October 4, 2008
              
                                        Sheikh Mohammed (1949 -    )

   အာရပ္ကမ ၻာကလူငယ္ေတြရဲ.စံၿပေခါင္းေဆာင္(အႀကဳိက္ဆံုး)အၿဖစ္စစ္တမ္း
ေတြအရေဖာ္ၿပၿခင္းခံရတဲ.ဒူဘုိင္းဘုရင္ခံရွိတ္မုိဟာမက္မာ.တြန္းရဲ.အေႀကာင္း၀ီကီမွာဖတ္မိလုိ.
သိသေလာက္ေလးၿပန္ေရးလုိက္ပါတယ္။ဒီေန.ကမ ၻာမွာဒူဘု္ိင္းရယ္လုိ.နာမည္ေက်ာ္ေအာင္ၿဖစ္
ေစတဲ.ပဲ.ကုိင္ရွင္ရဲ.ဘ၀တစ္စိတ္တေဒသေပါ.ဗ်ာ။

 
Sheikh Rashid  ( deceased )
                                        သူဟာကြယ္လြန္သြားၿပီၿဖစ္တဲ.ဒူဘုိင္းဘုရင္ခံ၊ယူေအအီးနုိင္ငံယဒုတိယသမၼတ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဴပ္စတဲ.
ရာထူးေတြ၇ွိတဲ.SheikhRashidရဲ.သားေလးေယာက္ထဲကတတိယေၿမာက္ၿဖစ္ပါတယ္။သူလဲ
အခုအဲဒီရာထူးေတြအားလံုးရထားတာပါပဲ။သူ.နာမည္အၿပည္.အစံုက  Sheikh Mohammed
bin Rashid Al Maktoumပါ။၂၀၀၆ခုနွစ္ကကြယ္လြန္သြားတဲ.သူ.အစ္ကုိက Sheikh 
Maktoum ပါ။

 
Sheikh Maktoum (deceased )
အဲဒီသူ.အစ္ကုိလည္းသူတုိ.အေဖ Sheik Rashid 1990 မွာဆံုးေတာ.သူ.အေဖေနရာ
ဆက္ခံၿပီးသူ.အစ္ကုိ Sheikh Maktoum 2006 မွာဆံုးေတာ.အခုလက္ရွိွ Sheikh Mohammed
ရွိတ္မုိဟာမက္ကထူးၿခားစြာသူ.အထက္ကအစ္ကုိၿဖစ္တဲ.Sheikh Hamdan ကုိေက်ာ္ၿပီးဒီရာထူး
ေနရာဆက္ခံရတာေပါ.ေလ။နာမည္ေတြကခပ္ဆင္ဆင္ဆုိေတာ.နဲနဲရွဳပ္ပါတယ္။သူတုိ.ယဥ္
ေက်းမွဳဓေလ.ကုိကဖခင္ရဲ.မ်ဴိးနြယ္နာမည္ကုိယူရတာဆိုေလ။အာရပ္ေတြဟာမ်ဴိးနြယ္နာ
မည္သိတာနဲ.သူေဌးလား၊ဘုရင္ခံလားဆုိတာသိနုိင္ႀကတယ္။
                     ရွိတ္မုိဟာမက္ဟာငယ္စဥ္အသက္ေလးနွစ္ကစၿပီးအာရပ္၊အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာ
ေတြကုိအိမ္မွာဆရာနဲ.စတင္သင္ႀကားခဲ.ရတယ္။အသက္ငါးနွစ္ေက်ာ္မွာစတင္ေက်ာင္းေနခဲ.ၿပီး
၁၇ နွစ္မွာအဂၤလန္နုိင္ငံBell Educational Trust's English Language School မွာတက္ေရာက္
ပညာသင္ႀကားခဲ.တယ္။


 
မုိဟာမက္၊ဒုတိယဇနီးHaya ၊ သမီးငယ္ Al Jalila

                     သူ.မွာတရား၀င္ဇနီးမယားနွစ္ေယာက္ရွိပါတယ္။ပထမဇနီးကသူ.ရဲ.၀မ္းကြဲညီမ
ေတာ္စပ္ၿပီး၁၉၇၉ ခုနွစ္မွာလက္ထပ္ခဲ.တာပါ။အဲဒီဇနီးနဲ.သားသမီး၁၂ေယာက္(က်ား-၅၊မ-၇ )
ရခဲ.တယ္။ဒုတိယဇနီးကေတာ.ကြယ္လြန္သြားတဲ.ေဂ်ာ္ဒန္ဘုရင္ဟူစိန္ရဲ.သမီးေတာ္ၿဖစ္ၿပီး ၂၀၀၄
မွာလက္ထပ္ခဲ.ၿပီးသမီးတစ္ေယာက္၂၀၀၇ မွာေမြးပါတယ္။တရားမ၀င္ဇနီးေတြနဲ.သားသမီး ၆
ေယာက္ (က်ား-၅ ၊ မ- ၁ ) ရွိတယ္။

 
ရွိတ္မုိဟာမက္နွင္.သားသမီးမ်ား ( 2006 Asian Game မွာဆုရခဲ.သူမ်ား )

                              
                          ရွိတ္မုိဟာမက္နွင္.သမီး Maitha (ကရာေတး၊တုိက္ကြန္ဒုိခ်န္ပီယ)ံ


                       ရွိတ္မုိဟာမက္ေရာသူ.သားသမီးေတြပါအာ၇ပ္၇ုိး၇ာကဗ်ာ၊အနုပညာေတြမွာ
က်ြမ္းက်င္ထင္ရွားႀကၿပီးေဂ်ာ္ဒန္၊အီဂ်စ္၊ပါလက္စတုိင္းနဲ.ယီမင္စတဲ.အာရပ္နုိင္ငံမ်ားရဲ.ဖံြ.ၿဖဳိးတုိး
တက္ေရးစီမံကိန္းေတြမွာပါ၀င္ကူညီႀကပါတယ္။သူတုိ.ဟာၿမင္းစီးၿပဳိင္ပြဲ၊ကုလားအုတ္စီးၿပဳိင္ပြဲေတြ
မွာလည္းစိတ္အားထက္သန္စြာပါ၀င္ေလ.ရွိၿပီးေအာင္ၿမင္တဲ.သူေတြၿဖစ္တယ္။သားၿဖစ္သူRashid
က ၂၀၀၆ Asian Game မွာတစ္ကုိယ္ေတာ္ၿမင္းစီးေရႊတံဆိပ္ရခဲ.ၿပီး၊Rashid, Majis , Ahmed ,
Hamdan တုိ.ကေတာ.အသင္းလုိက္ေရႊတံဆိပ္ဆုရခဲ.တယ္။သမီးၿဖစ္သူ Latifa က Show
jumping ၿမင္းစီးၿပဳိင္ပဲြမွာေႀကးတံဆိပ္ရခဲ.ပါတယ္။ေနာက္သမီးတစ္ေယာက္ၿဖစ္တဲ.Maitha ကလဲ
ကရာေတးနဲ.တုိက္ကြမ္ဒုိခ်န္ပီယံၿဖစ္ၿပီးေဘဂ်င္းအုိလံပစ္မွာ၀င္ေရာက္ယွဥ္ၿပိဳင္ခဲ.ပါတယ္။


 
ေခတ္သစ္အာရပ္ပံုၿပင္ထဲကသူရဲေကာင္းမ်ား (သုိ.မဟုတ္)
ရွိတ္မုိဟာမက္နွင္.သူ၏သားမ်ား

                     
  ရွိတ္မုိဟာမက္ဟာနုိင္ငံတကာမွာၿပိဳင္ၿမင္းမ်ဴိးေကာင္းမ်ဴိးသန္.မ်ားကုိေမြးၿမဴ
ပုိင္ဆုိင္သူ၊ၿပဳိင္ပြဲေတြမွာသူ.ၿမင္းေတြက၀င္ေရာက္ယွဥ္ၿပဳိင္ၿပီးအနိုင္ရေလ.ရွိတဲ.အတြက္ထင္ရွား
တဲ.သူၿဖစ္ပါတယ္။အဂၤလန္၊အုိင္ယာလန္၊ႀသစေတးလ်တုိ.မွာၿမင္းၿပဳိင္ကြင္းေတြ၊ၿမင္းေဇာင္းေတြ
ကုိေဒၚလာသန္းနဲ.ခ်ီၿပီး၀ယ္ယူပုိင္ဆုိင္ထားပါတယ္။ဒူဘုိင္းမွာနွစ္စဥ္က်င္းပေပးေနတဲ.Dubai
World Cup ဆုိတဲ.ၿမင္းၿပဳိင္ပြဲေတာ.ကမ ၻာမွာဆုေႀကးအမ်ားဆံုးၿပဳိင္ပဲြအၿဖစ္နဲ.နာမည္ႀကီးပါတယ္။


 
Burj Al Arab Hotel
                 

    ရွိတ္မုိဟာမက္ဟာ ၁၉၉၅ ခုနွစ္မွာဒူဘုိင္းရဲ. Crown Prince အိမ္ေရွ.မင္းသား
(တကယ္ေတာ.ဒူဘုိင္းရဲ.စံမံအုပ္ခ်ဴပ္ေရးကုိကုိင္တြယ္ေၿဖရွင္းရတာပါ။)အၿဖစ္သူ.အစ္ကုိွ Sheikh
Maktoum ကအမိန္.ထုတ္ခန္.အပ္ခဲ.တာပါ။အဲဒီကတည္းကသူဟာအနာဂတ္ဒူဘုိင္းရဲ.ေခါင္း
ေဆာင္အၿဖစ္လ်ာထားၿခင္းခံခဲ.ရတာေပါ.။သူဒီလုိလုပ္ပုိင္ခြင္.ရလုိ.အခုဒူဘုိင္းရဲ.ကမ ၻာေက်ာ္အ
ေဆာက္အဦးေတြၿဖစ္တဲ.ကမ ၻာ.ေစ်းအႀကီးဆံုး Burj Al Arab Hotel , Palm Islands , ကမ ၻာ.
အၿမင္.ဆံုးအေဆာက္အဦး Burj Dubai တုိ.ကုိ စီမံေဆာက္လုပ္ခဲ.တာပါ။ၿပီးေတာ.လြန္ခဲ.တဲ.နွစ္
မ်ားအတြင္းကအေမရိကန္အစုိးရေတာင္လွဳပ္လွုဳပ္သဲသဲၿဖစ္သြားေစတဲ.အေမရိကန္နုိင္ငံကဆိပ္
ကမ္းေတြရဲ.ရွယ္ရာကုိ၀ယ္ယူဖုိ.ႀကဳိးစားခဲ.တဲ. Dubai Holding Company ကုိလည္းတည္ေထာင္
ပုိင္ဆုိင္ခဲ.တယ္။
                      အဲဒီေနာက္ ၂၀၀၆ ခုနွစ္မွာသူ.ရဲ.အစ္ကုိ Sheikh Maktoum ကြယ္လြန္ေတာ.
ဒူဘုိင္းဘုရင္ခံ၊ယူေအအီးနုိင္ငံ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဴပ္၊ဒုတိယသမၼတစတဲ.ရာထူးေတြကုိဆက္ခံရတာပါ။သူဟာ
လူမွဳေရး၊က်န္းမာေရး၊ပညာေရးတုိ.အတြက္ရန္ပံုေငြေၿမာက္မ်ားစြာလွဴဒါန္းခဲ.လုိ.လည္းနုိင္ငံတ
ကာမွာထင္ရွားပါတယ္။၂၀၀၇ ခုနွစ္မွာအေရွ.အလယ္ပုိင္းပညာေရးေဖာင္ေဒးရွင္းအတြက္ေဒၚလာ
၁၀ ဘီလီယံမတည္လွဴဒါန္းခဲ.လုိ.ကမ ၻာ.သမုိင္းမွာတစ္ႀကိမ္တည္းအမ်ားဆံုးအလွဴရွင္အၿဖစ္စံခ်ိန္
တင္သြားပါတယ္။ ၂၀၀၇ ခုနွစ္စက္တင္ဘာလမွာပဲ Dubai Care ဆုိတဲ.ဆင္းရဲခ်ဴိ.တဲ.တဲ.နုိင္ငံမ်ား
က ကေလးသူငယ္မ်ားရဲ.ပညာေရးကူညီေစာင္.ေရွာက္ဖုိ.ဆုိၿပီးေဒၚလာသန္း၉၁၀ လွဴဒါန္းစီစဥ္
ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးခဲ.ပါတယ္။ဒီစီမံကိန္းကကုလသမၼဂၢရဲ.ေထာင္စုနွစ္ဖံြ.ၿဖဳိးတုိးတက္ေရးရည္မွန္းခ်က္
အရ ၂၀၁၅ ခုနွစ္မွာကေလးသူငယ္တုိင္းပညာသင္ႀကားနုိင္ေစမယ္.အစီအစဥ္ၿဖစ္ပါတယ္။
                     ၂၀၀၈ ခုနွစ္မွာသူ.ရဲ.ခ်မ္းသာႀကြယ္၀မွဳကေတာ.ေဒၚလာ ၁၈ ဘီလီယံၿဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒါေတာင္သူဟာဒူဘုိင္းမွာအခ်မ္းသာဆံုးမဟုတ္ေသးပါ။ကမ ၻာမွာပဥ ၥမေၿမာက္အခ်မ္းသာဆံုးဘုရင္
ၿဖစ္ပါတယ္။သူပုိင္တဲ. Dubai ဆုိတဲ.ကုိယ္ပုိင္သေဘၤာကေတာ.ေပ ၅၃၀ ရွည္ၿပီးကမ ၻာေပၚမွာအရွည္
ဆံုးကုိယ္ပုိင္ရြက္သေဘၤာၿဖစ္သည္။
                     ၂၀၀၇ ခု မတ္လမွာသူ.ရဲ.ဓါတ္ပံုကုိအႀကမ္းဖက္သမားတစ္ေယာက္ရဲ.ဓါတ္ပံုအၿဖစ္
မွားယြင္းၿပီးအဂၤလန္ကသတင္းစာတစ္ေစာင္မွာေဖာ္ၿပခဲ.ဘူးပါတယ္။
                      ရွိတ္မုိဟာမက္ဟာကေလးသူငယ္မ်ားရာနဲ.ခ်ီၿပီးကုလားအုတ္ၿပဳိင္ပြဲေတြမွာအတင္း
အဓမၼစီးနင္းေစခဲ.၊ခုိင္းခဲ.တယ္လုိ.စြတ္စြဲခံရၿပီးအေမရိကန္မွာတရားစြဲခံထားရဘူးပါတယ္။
                        
             

ျမန္မာလူငယ္ေလးမ်ား အဂၤလိပ္စာ တိုးတက္ေရး

လူငယ္မ်ားအတြက္ အမွာစကား ဆိုရမယ္။ ဆိုေပးပါလို႔ ဆရာမ ဧဧသန္းက ေျပာေတာ့ ေခါင္းထဲမွာ ခ်က္ျခင္းေရာက္လာတဲ့ အေၾကာင္းကေတာ့ ယခုအခ်ိန္အခါမွာ အထူးလိုအပ္ေနတဲ့ `အဂၤလိပ္စာသင္ၾကားေရး´ပဲ။ တို႔တိုင္းျပည္အနာဂတ္ျဖစ္တဲ့ မ်ဳိးဆက္သစ္ ျမန္မာလူငယ္ေလးေတြကို ေလ့လာၾကည့္ခဲ့တယ္။ တိုင္းျပည္အနာဂတ္ျဖစ္တဲ့ မ်ဳိးဆက္သစ္ လူငယ္ေလးေတြ ေတာ္ၾကပါတယ္။ ကိုယ္ရည္ကိုယ္ေသြး ျမင့္ၾကတယ္။ ဉာဏ္ရည္လဲ ေကာင္းတယ္၊ ႀကိဳးလဲ ႀကိဳးစားၾကတယ္။ သို႔ျဖစ္ပါရက္န႔ဲ ထင္တိုင္း တစ္ဟုန္ထိုး အတက္ေႏွးေနတာ ေတြ႕ရတယ္။ လူငယ္အမ်ားစုကို ဆိုလိုခ်င္တာပါ။ အဲဒါ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲ။ အခ်က္တစ္ခ်က္ကေတာ့ အဂၤလိပ္စာတတ္ကၽြမ္းမႈမွာ လိုေနလို႔ပဲ။ အေရးအသား၊ အေျပာအဆို နားလည္ႏိုင္မႈ၊ အသံထြက္ စသည္တို႔ေပါ့။
အဂၤလိပ္စာ သင္ၾကားေရးဆိုရာမွာ ဆယ္တန္းေအာင္ၿပီးသား၊ ဘြဲ႕ရၿပီးသား၊ အလုပ္ခြင္၀င္ေနတဲ့ သူမ်ားကို အထူးဆိုလိုတယ္။ ၁၀ တန္းေက်ာင္းသားေတြလဲ မွတ္သားထားႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ ၁၀ တန္းေက်ာင္းသားေတြက ေက်ာင္းစာ က်က္ခ်ိန္ ေပးေနၾကရေတာ့ အဲဒီဖက္မွာ အခ်ိန္အမ်ားႀကီး ယူၾကရတယ္။ ေက်ာင္းစာအမွတ္မ်ားဖို႔က အဓိက ျဖစ္ေနတာေၾကာင့္ပါ။
မိမိဘ၀ တိုးတက္ရာ တိုးတက္ေၾကာင္း ႀကိဳးစားေနၾကသူေတြအတြက္ အဂၤလိပ္စာဟာ အျပည္ျပည္သုံး ဘာသာစကားမို႔ အဓိက လိုအပ္တာ အထူးမဆိုလုိဘူး။ လူတိုင္း သေဘာေပါက္ၾကတယ္။ ဒီအဂၤလိပ္စာ တတ္ကၽြမ္းျခင္း မတတ္ကၽြမ္းျခင္းနဲ႔ လူတစ္ေယာက္ကို ဘယ္လို ဆုံးျဖတ္ၾကသလဲ အဂၤလိပ္ စကားကို မိခင္ဘာသာမဟုတ္တဲ့သူတို႔ေျပာၾက၊ ေရးၾကတဲ့အခါ အဂၤလိပ္တို႔၊ အေမရိကန္စတဲ့ တိုင္းရင္းသား (native speaker) တို႔က ထိုသူတို႔ရဲ႕ အဂၤလိပ္စာအဆင့္ကို ၾကည့္ၿပီး ထိုသူတို႔ရဲ႕ အဆင့္ကို အသိအမွတ္ျပဳၾကတယ္။
``မင္း အဂၤလိပ္စာကို ဘယ္မွာ သင္ခဲ့သလဲ´´
``မင္း ဘယ္ေက်ာင္းက (အဂၤလန္ကလား၊အေမရိကန္ကလား၊ ေအာက္စဖို႔ဒ္ တကၠသိုလ္ကလား၊ ဟားဘစ္တကၠသိုလ္ကလား) ေအာင္တာလဲ စတဲ့ စကားေတြ ထြက္လာတတ္တယ္။ အသံမွန္မွန္ ဌာန္က႐ိုဏ္းက်က် ေျပာတတ္ဆိုတတ္ရင္ ေက်ာင္းေကာင္းမွာ ေနခဲ့လို႔ေပါ့။ ဒါဟာ တိုင္းတာစရာ ေပတံတစ္ခုပဲ။ အေရွ႕တိုင္းမွာ၊ အိႏၵိယ၊ တ႐ုတ္၊ ယိုးဒယား၊ ဖိလစ္ပိုင္၊ ဂ်ပန္၊ အင္ဒိုနီးရွား၊ မေလးရွား စသူတို႔ရဲ႕ အဂၤလိပ္စကားကို native speaker တို႔က ဘ၀င္ကမ်ၾကဘူး။ စကားပ်က္ရယ္လို႔ ဆိုၾကတယ္။ ဥပမာ ဖိလစ္ပိုင္မွာ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ မိခင္ဘာသာစကား Taglog တက္ဂေလာက္ရဲ႕ ေနာက္ခံနဲ႔ ေရာယွက္ၿပီး ေျပာတဲ့ အဂၤလိပ္စကားကို Taglish။ စင္ကာပူမွာ ေျပာတဲ့ အဂၤလိပ္ကို Singlish စသည္ျဖင့္ ဆိုၾကတယ္။ အဂၤလိပ္စကားမ်ား (The Englishes)လို႔ ဆိုတယ္။
အသုံးမ်ားတဲ့ ဘယသာစကားတစ္ခုက အသုံးျပဳတဲ့ လူမ်ဳိး၊ ေဒသ၊ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈအလိုက္ ေဒသစကားအျဖစ္ ကြဲခြဲတတ္တယ္။ ၿပီးေတာ့ ဘာသာစကားအသစ္တစ္ခုလဲ ျဖစ္လာတတ္တယ္။ ဥပမာ လက္တင္ဘာသာကေန ျပင္သစ္၊ အီတာလ်ံ၊ စပိန္စကားေတြ ျဖစ္လာသလိုေပါ့´´ လို႔။
Singlish Bad, English Good ဆိုတဲ့ ေဆာင္းပါးမွာ ေတြ႕ရတယ္။
အခု Singlish ကို ၾကည့္။
“Government say Singlish (-0 no good, (-) must learn how to speak proper, English. it (-) a bit the difficult. How can (-)?”
သဒၵါမက်၊ စနစ္မက်တာ ေတြ႕ရမယ္။ ဆိုလိုခ်င္တာကိုသာ ေျပာလိုက္တာပါပဲ။ ဒါ့အျပင္ အသံထြက္၊ အဆြဲအင္၊ အျဖတ္အေတာက္ေတြလဲ မသင့္တာေတြမ်ားတယ္။
ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ အဂၤလိပ္စာ သင္ၾကားေနတာဟာ ကမာၻတစ္၀ွမ္းကို ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ နားလည္ႏိုင္ေအာင္လို႔၊ ကမာၻတစ္၀ွမ္းက ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ကို နားလည္ႏိုင္ေအာင္လို႔ပါ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ စံခ်ိန္မီ အဂၤလိပ္စာကို ေရးႏိုင္ေျပာႏိုင္ဖို႔ အေရးႀကီးပါတယ္။
တစ္ခုဆိုတာက ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ ႏိုင္ငံသားရဲ႕ တစ္၀က္ဟာ ပညာတတ္ မဟုတ္ၾကပါဘူး။ သူတို႔ဟာ Singlish ကိုပဲ သုံးၾကရတယ္။ စီးပြါးေရးအရေကာ၊ လူမႈေရးအရပါ သူတို႔ နစ္နာၾကလိမ့္မယ္လို႔ စင္ကာပူ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေဟာင္း လီကြမ္းယူက ဆိုပါတယ္။
ဒီလို broken English နဲ႔ မဟုတ္ပဲ၊ မွန္ကန္တဲ့ Standard English နဲ႔ဆို ႏိုင္ငံတကာမွာ မ်က္ႏွာရတယ္။ Standard English ကို မေျပာႏိုင္ေတာ့ဘူးလား။ ခက္လို႔လား။ မခက္ပါ။ အနည္းငယ္ သတိျပဳ ေလ့က်င့္ရင္ ရတာပါပဲ။
အေျခခံက်က် အခ်က္တစ္ခ်က္ကေတာ့ စာဖတ္မ်ားဖို႔ပဲ။ “Reading makes a full man.” စာဖတ္ျခင္းဟာ လူကို ျပည့္၀ေစတယ္လို႔ ဆရာႀကီး Francis Bacon က ဆိုတယ္။ စာဖတ္ရင္ ဖတ္ရင္း ျပည့္မွန္းမသိ ျပည့္ျပည့္လာတယ္။ ဘာသာစကားေရာ၊ စာထဲက ဗဟုသုတပညာေရာ ရတယ္။ စာဖတ္ဖို႔ပဲ လိုတယ္။
စာဖတ္ရင္ အသံထြက္ဖတ္ပါ။ မွားမွာ မရွက္ပါနဲ႔။ အသံထြက္ဖတ္မွ မိမိကိုယ္ကိုယ္မိမိ ယံုၾကည္မႈ ရွိလာမယ္။ မတတ္တာရွိရင္ တတ္နားလည္သူထံမွာ ႀကံဳရင္ႀကံဳသလို ဆည္းပူးမွတ္သားပါ။ ကက္ဆက္ေခြေတြ၊ CD ဓာတ္ျပားေတြနဲ႔ စကားေျပာထား၊ စာဖတ္ထားတာေတြ ရွိပါတယ္။ ျဖစ္ႏိုင္ရင္ အဂၤလိပ္လူမ်ဳိး၊ အေမရိကန္လူမ်ဳိးတို႔ ဖတ္တာနားေထာင္ပါ။ အသံမွန္ရပါမယ္။ ယခုေခတ္မွာ ကြန္ပ်ဴတာေတြ ထြန္းကားသမို႔ CD-Rom လို႔ေခၚတဲ့ CD ဓာတ္ျပားေတြ၊ Talking Dictionary အသံထြက္ အဘိဓာန္ေတြ ရွိေနပါၿပီ။
အကူညီရစရာေတြ အမ်ားႀကီးပါ။ သူတို႔လို အသံမွန္ေအာင္ ေလ့က်င့္ပါ။ တျဖည္းျဖည္း ရလာမွာပါ။ အသံထြက္မွန္ဖို႔သာ လိုပါတယ္။ ဘိုဆန္ဖို႔၊ ဟန္လုပ္တဲ့ အသံႀကီးေတြနဲ႔ ေျပာဖို႔မလိုပါ။ ျမန္မာေတြဟာ အိႏၵိယ၊ ဂ်ပန္၊ မေလး စသူတို႔နဲ႔ မတူ၊ ထူးျားတာက အဂၤလိပ္အသံ (တျခားဘာသာစကားရဲ႕ အသံေတြပါ။ ဥပမာ ဂ်ပန္၊ ကုလား) ပီပီသသ ထြက္ႏုိင္တယ္။ ဒီအရည္အခ်င္းကို ျမန္မာမွာသာ ေတြ႔ရတယ္။
စာဖတ္ရာမွာ စာေရးဆရာႀကီးမ်ားျဖစ္တဲ့ Charles Dickens, Nathaniel Hawthorn, Ernest Hemingway, O.Henry စသူတို႔ရဲ႕ စာေတြကို ဖတ္ပါ။ တတ္ႏိုင္ရင္ မူရင္ဖတ္ပါ။ ခက္မယ္ထင္ရင္ လြယ္ကူေအာင္ ျပန္ေရးသားထားတဲ့ Simplified Edition မ်ားဖတ္လို႔ ရပါတယ္။ ဒီစာေပေတြကို ေအာ္စကာဆု၊ တိုနီဆု၊ ဂရမၼီဆု ႐ုပ္ရွင္ႏွင့္ ျပဇာတ္ မင္းသား မင္းသမီးတို႔ ဖတ္ထားတဲ့ အသံထြက္ စာအုပ္ (audio books) ေတြလဲ ရွိပါတယ္။ ဆရာႀကီးေတြရဲ႕ အေရးအသားဟာ မွန္တယ္၊ ရွင္းတယ္၊ ထိေရာက္တယ္၊ လွတယ္။
မိမိပတ္၀န္းက်င္မွာ အဂၤလိပ္စာ၊ အဂၤလိပ္စကားေတြနဲ႔ ၀န္းရံထားေအာင္ ဖန္တီးပါ။ အဂၤလိပ္သီခ်င္း၊ အသံထြက္ဇာတ္လမ္း၊ ေဟာေျပာခ်က္ သတင္းေၾကျငာခ်က္၊ အျပန္အလွန္ စကားေျပာၾကျခင္း၊ စာဖတ္ျခင္း စသည္တို႔ ကက္ဆက္နဲ႔ CD ေတြမွာ ရွိပါတယ္။ မျပတ္နားဆင္ပါ။ မိမိ နားအက်င့္ပါလာလိမ့္မယ္။ အသံထြက္ဖတ္ရင္ ပါးစပ္အက်င့္လဲ ပါလာလိမ့္မယ္။ စကားေျပာရဲလာလိမ့္မယ္။
အဂၤလိပ္စာႏွင့္ စကားတတ္ကၽြမ္းေရး ဦးတည္ၿပီး သင္တန္းဖြင့္ဖူးတယ္။ လုပ္ငန္းခြင္က ဘြဲ႕ရၿပီးသား လူငယ္ေတြမ်ားတယ္။ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ လုပ္ငန္းခြင္မွာ ဧည့္ခံပြဲ၊ ကုမၸဏီမွ ထုတ္ကုန္မ်ားအေၾကာင္း၊ ရွင္းလင္းပြဲ စသည္တို႔မွ ႏိုင္ငံျခားသားေတြနဲ႔ ေျပာဆို ဆက္ဆံ ရတယ္။ ပစၥည္းတစ္ခု အေၾကာင္းကို စင္ျမင့္ေပၚတက္ ရွင္းျပရာမွာ မိမိ က်င္မွတ္ထားတဲ့အတိုင္း ရြတ္ျပႏိုင္ရင္ အေထာက္အကူ ေတာ္ေတာ္ရလို႔ ေခ်ာေမေျပျပစ္ႏိုင္တယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ပရိသတ္က ေမးခြန္းျပန္ေမးရင္ေတာ့ စိတ္ကို ညစ္သြားေတာ့တာပဲ။ တစ္ဖက္က ေမးတာကို လုံးေစ့ပတ္ေစ့ နားမလည္၊ ကိုယ္ျပန္ေျဖတာကလဲ တလြဲ၊ စကားကို ေခ်ာေမာေအာင္၊ မွန္ကန္ေအာင္လဲ ႀကိဳၚစားေနရရင္ေတာ့ ေသခ်င္ေစာ္ကို နံသြားေတာ့တာပဲ။
အဲဒီကိစၥေၾကာင့္ ကၽြန္ေတာ့္သင္တန္းကို လာတက္ၾကသတဲ့။
ကၽြန္ေတာ္က ပုံျပင္၊ ဇာတ္လမ္းကေလးမ်ား၊ သတင္း အတိုအထြာေလးမ်ား၊ စိတ္၀င္စားဖြယ္ရာမ်ား အသံမွန္မွန္ ႀကိဳးစားဖတ္ျပတယ္။ သင္တန္းသားမ်ားကိုလည္း ဖတ္ခိုင္းတယ္။ ေလ့က်င့္ေပးတယ္။ အဲဒီအခါ -
``ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ (ကၽြန္မတို႔) က စကားေျပာတတ္ခ်င္တာ´´ လို႔ ေျပာၾကတယ္။ သူတို႔ စာမဖတ္ခ်င္ၾကဘူး။ ဖတ္လဲ မဖတ္ၾကဘူး။ ဖတ္ခုိင္းရင္လဲ မွန္ေအာင္၊ ပုံစံက်က် သဘာ၀က်က် မဖတ္ႏိုင္ၾကဘူး။ ဒီေတာ့ `၀မ္းစာ´မွ မရွာပဲ။ ဘယ္ႏွယ့္လုပ္လို႔ ၀မ္းထဲက အံထြက္လာစရာ အဂၤလိပ္စာ ရွိမွာတုန္း။ ဒါကို သေဘာမေပါက္ၾကဘူး။ တစ္သက္လုံး အလြတ္က်က္လာၾကတယ္။ ငွက္ေပ်ာသီး အခြံႏြာေၾကြးသလို အဆင့္သင့္မွ စာသင္ယူတတ္ခံၾကလာေတာ့ ဘာသာစကား တစ္ခုကို အခ်ိန္ၾကာၾကာ မျပတ္တမ္း ေလ့က်င့္ဆည္းပူးမွ တတ္ႏိုင္မယ္ဆိုတာ သေဘာမေပါက္ၾကဘူး။
တပည့္ ဆရာ၀န္ကေလးတစ္ေယာက္ရွိတယ္။ ေဆးပညာေတာ္တယ္။ အဂၤလိပ္ဘာသာလဲ မည့္ပါဘူး။ အေျပာအဆို အေရးအသားမွာ အမွားေတာ့ မကင္းဘူးေပါ့။ သူက အဂၤလန္မွာ ဘြဲ႕လြန္သင္ဖို႔ ႀကိဳးစားေနလို႔ IELTS လက္မွတ္ ေျဖရမယ္။ ကၽြန္ေတာ့္ဆီမွာ လာက်င့္တယ္။ [အျမင့္ဆုံး (၁၀)မွတ္] မွာ (၇) မွတ္နဲ႔ ေအာင္ျမင္တယ္။ ဒီစာေမးပြဲ မေျဖခင္ ၆လ၊ ၇လေလာက္ ေန႔တိုင္း အသံထြက္က်င့္တယ္။ နားယဥ္ေအာင္ ကက္ဆက္နားေထာင္တယ္။ အခုဆို အဂၤလန္မွာ (၂)ႏွစ္ေက်ာ္ပါၿပီ။ ကၽြန္ေတာ့္ဆီ e-mail မျပတ္ပို႔တယ္။ စာအေရးအသား အေတာ္ တက္လာတယ္။ အသုံးအႏႈန္းေတြ သဘာ၀က်က် သုံးႏိုင္လာတယ္။ အထိအေတြ႕ မ်ားလာတာေၾကာင့္ တိုးတက္မႈ မ်ားလာတယ္လို႔ ဆိုႏိုင္တယ္။
ဒီလို အျပင္းအထန္က်င့္မွ ဒီေလာက္ပဲရတာ။ က်ဴရွင္တက္၊ က်ဴရွင္ဆင္းၿပီး စာအုပ္ေဘးခ်ၿပီး ေမ့လိုက္တဲ့ စာသင္သားမ်ား ဘယ္ႏွယ့္ေနပါမလဲဆုိတာ ေျပာစရာမလိုပါဘူး။
ဒီေတာ့ အခ်ဳပ္ဆိုရရင္ အဂၤလိပ္စာကို အခုသင္၊ အခုေျပာလို႔ မရႏိုင္ပါဘူး။ မျပတ္တန္း ႀကိဳးစားေနရမွာပါ။ မၿပီးစတန္း မဆုံးစတန္းလဲ ေလ့လေနရမွာပါ။ မၿငီးစတန္းလဲ ဖတ္ေနရမွာပါ။
``တစ္ေန႔ကို စကားတစ္လုံးသင္ျပရင္ တစ္လကို စာလုံးသုံးဆယ္၊ တစ္ႏွစ္ကုန္ရင္ ေတာ္ေတာ္မ်ားမ်ား သင္ပါလားေမာင္ရယ္၊ အဂၤလိပ္စာကိုကြယ္ ဒစ္ရွင္နာရီ (dictionary) ၀ယ္ၾကည့္လွ်င္ သိႏိုင္ပါမယ္´´
ဆိုတဲ့ ဆရာႀကီး ေရႊတိုင္ၫႊန္႔ရဲ႕ “What ဆိုတာ ဘာလဲ” သီခ်င္းကေလးလိုေပါ့။ တစ္ေန႔နည္နည္းနဲ႔ မျပတ္ဖတ္မွတ္ ေလ့လာသြားရင္ တစ္ႏွစ္ဆို ေတာ္ေတာ္ရေနပါၿပီ။
ဒီပညာ ေရႊအိုးႀကီးဟာ တစ္ေန႔တျခား ျပည့္လို႔ လာမွာ ပါ။ ဒီေရႊအိုးႀကီးဟာ သုံးလို႔လဲ မကုန္ပါဘူးကြယ္။

သား (တက္တိုး)

The Spring Before Fall ( 2 )

Friday, October 3, 2008
In two or three years, these kids will be adults.”“He didn’t understand that this was a serious issue which we had to deal with at the UN,” said Aung Lynn Htut.
Burmese junta chief Snr-Gen Than Shwe reviews a guard of honor on Armed Forces Day in Naypyidaw in March 2008. (Photo: AFP)
People who have worked with Than Shwe said that he is slow to make up his mind and rarely gives clear yes or no answers to questions, forcing officers to carefully decode his vague replies.But if Than Shwe often seemed indecisive, he also had very definite ideas about what really mattered as far as world opinion was concerned. To his mind, the regime had no reason to worry about international pressure as long as Burma could maintain good relations with China, India and Russia.
What about the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean)? Aung Lynn Htut said that the senior general didn’t even take the regional grouping into consideration.
Even Thailand—the largest source of foreign investment in the Burmese economy—was powerless to influence the regime. Indeed, Than Shwe always insisted that Thailand’s dependence on Burmese gas and border trade gave the junta significant sway over Thai politicians.
But Than Shwe was not as complacent about other potential challenges to his hold on power. While the intelligence camp was making real headway with its overseas PR offensive, hardliners close to Than Shwe were growing increasingly wary of the influence of two people at home—Suu Kyi and Khin Nyunt.
Suu Kyi was considered the greater immediate threat. Her travels around the country had attracted huge crowds of supporters. The hardliners decided to strike back with a vicious attack on the pro-democracy leader’s entourage as they traveled near Depayin in May 2003. Suu Kyi was arrested and detained soon after the massacre, which claimed the lives of dozens of her followers. 
According to Aung Lynn Htut, the intelligence unit, which had been tailing Suu Kyi’s motorcade around the country, had no forewarning of the attack.
“We knew they were planning something, but we didn’t know the real plan,” he said.
Suddenly, all of the regime’s PR gains were erased. The Bush administration stepped up its pressure on the junta and imposed tough new sanctions.
But Than Shwe wasn’t finished. Next he turned his attention to Khin Nyunt.
The senior leader was not alone in his mistrust of the intelligence chief. Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye, the army chief, also saw a need to contain Khin Nyunt.
Than Shwe didn’t confront Khin Nyunt directly, but made some surprise moves at the Defense Ministry to undermine his influence. Most importantly, he brought in a few new faces: Gen Shwe Mann, Gen Soe Win, Gen Myint Swe and Gen Ye Myint.
Shwe Mann was being groomed to take over the commander in chief position and Soe Win was to take charge of the intelligence department. Khin Nyunt suddenly felt the heat. He was now accused of underestimating the potential threat of “the enemy”—Aung San Suu Kyi.
For the first time since 2001, when Than Shwe placed Khin Nyunt’s mentor, former dictator Ne Win, under house arrest after his daughter and grandson were accused of plotting a coup, Khin Nyunt found himself precariously close to becoming yesterday’s man.
Than Shwe’s next move was to name Khin Nyunt prime minister. According to former military intelligence officers, both Than Shwe and Maung Aye then urged Khin Nyunt to hand over control of the OCMI to either Myint Swe or Ye Myint. Khin Nyunt refused.
News of the SPDC’s internal conflict began to leak to the foreign press through senior military intelligence officers. Foreign Minister Win Aung hinted to his Asean counterparts that there was a bitter power struggle among the top leadership.
According to Aung Lynn Htut, strong business and personal rivalries added to the political tensions. Khin Nyunt’s wife and her circle of friends used to refer to Than Shwe’s wife, Kyaing Kyaing, and her closest friends as the “uneducated wives club,” he said.
Corruption was another key issue. Cases were being built targeting the spy chief. Several of his subordinates were arrested in northern Burma on corruption charges. Khin Nyunt’s name was also implicated when the authorities seized a fishing boat in Mergui with 500 kg of heroin on board.
After returning from a trip to Singapore in September 2003, Khin Nyunt had a heated argument with Than Shwe at the Defense Ministry and offered to resign.

But Than Shwe told him he had a new assignment to offer him. In October, Khin Nyunt called a secret meeting with his top intelligence officers and ordered them to provide documents as evidence of corruption against Than Shwe and top army leaders. Shwe Mann heard about the meeting and immediately informed Than Shwe.
On his way back from a trip to Mandalay, Khin Nyunt was arrested and charged with corruption and insubordination.
The regional commanders and army officers who believed that Khin Nyunt was building a state within a state hailed the purge. In fact, Than Shwe succeeded not only in consolidating his power base but also in gaining even more support within the armed forces.
“The army all hated us [the intelligence unit] because we had information about them, and even I, as a major, could reprimand a regional commander,” said Aung Lynn Htut.
The mission to win hearts and minds was over. Asean, China and Khin Nyunt’s allies in the West and the UN were disappointed to see the “moderate force” arrested and locked up.
Than Shwe did not want to release Suu Kyi, although secret negotiations between her and the regime were resumed just before the government revived its National Convention in December 2004. Suu Kyi, in a spirit of compromise, even sent a letter to Than Shwe to show that she bore no grudges over the Depayin ambush.
During these meetings, Suu Kyi and her party leaders agreed to return to the convention if the regime released her.
Aung Lynn Htut, who was still in Washington at this time, received daily phone calls from Rangoon. He was told that it was almost 95 percent certain that the NLD was going back to the convention. At the last minute, however, the deal fell through. Than Shwe did not keep his promise to free the iconic pro-democracy leader. 
Ironically, it was Khin Nyunt who had announced, in August 2003, that the National Convention would be resumed as part of a seven-step “road map” to “disciplined democracy.” Now, however, he and his family were under house arrest, and most of his closest subordinates—with the notable exceptions of Kyaw Win and Kyaw Thein—were serving long prison sentences.
Four years after the removal of Khin Nyunt and his entire secret police department, many in the armed forces still believe that he had a plan to stage a coup against Than Shwe and wanted to become commander in chief of the armed forces.
For Aung Lynn Htut, his former boss’s downfall spelled the end of his career in military intelligence. In March 2005, he sought asylum in the US.
Since then, he has been an outspoken critic of Than Shwe. Through overseas Burmese radio stations, he has called on the junta leader to step down and urged soldiers to remove him from power.
Aung Lynn Htut said he believed that many senior intelligence officers who are now in prison felt the same way.
Referring to the pro-democracy movement,  he said, “We wanted to see the revolution succeed.”

                                                       By Aung Zaw

The Spring before fall

For a while, the Burmese junta looked like it might be ready to meet the West halfway. The ouster of the regime’s spy chief ended all that
IN early 2000, Maj Aung Lynn Htut began his new assignment as the deputy chief of the Burmese embassy in Washington, DC, with a mission to improve ties with the incoming administration of President George W Bush.
It was not his first time in the US capital. In 1987, the graduate of the elite Defense Services Academy spent three months in Washington receiving training from the CIA.
Then Prime Minister Gen Khin Nyunt waves to the media while heading to a summit in Pagan in 2003. (Photo: AFP)
When he returned to the US in 2000, Aung Lynn Htut served as an officer in the counterintelligence department of the Office of the Chief of Military Intelligence (OCMI). His boss was Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, secretary 1 of the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) and head of the junta’s powerful intelligence apparatus.Khin Nyunt was also the architect of a series of ceasefire agreements with domestic insurgent groups that had strengthened the regime’s hold on power over the course of the preceding decade.
By the time Bush took office, Khin Nyunt appeared to believe that a détente with the junta’s staunchest international critic was also possible, according to Aung Lynn Htut.
“We waited until Bush came to power and then we started lobbying in DC,” said the former major.
In an extensive interview with The Irrawaddy, Aung Lynn Htut provided an inside look at this pivotal time in recent Burmese history, when the ruling regime seemed to be ready to turn a new page in its relations with the West.
As he revealed, however, it was also a period of intensifying rivalries within the junta.  
Before Khin Nyunt could begin his experiment in reshaping ties with the US and other Western countries, he had to get a green light from the SPDC’s top leader, Snr-Gen Than Shwe.
As the strongman who called all the shots, Than Shwe was an inveterate hardliner who did not always take kindly to Khin Nyunt’s conciliatory overtures. But the intelligence chief’s success in sidelining former insurgents had allowed the regime to focus on its war of attrition against democratic forces; so, in a nod to Khin Nyunt’s proven ability to neutralize opponents through guile, Than Shwe gave him the go-ahead to work his magic on Washington.
Aung Lynn Htut’s assignment to Washington was one of the first tentative steps towards ending the regime’s isolation from governments it had long regarded as hostile.
Another part of the charm offensive was the launch of a colorful English-language newspaper, The Myanmar Times, which would present a more sophisticated image of the regime than the stodgy, Stalinistic fare offered by the state-run press.
As a further step, the regime hired DCI Group, a Washington-based lobbying firm, in 2002. The firm was paid US $348,000 to represent the junta, which had been strongly condemned by the US State Department for its human rights record. US Justice Department lobbying records show that DCI worked to “begin a dialogue of political reconciliation” with the regime.
The firm led a PR campaign to burnish the junta’s image, drafting releases praising Burma’s efforts to curb the drug trade and denouncing claims that the regime had used rape as a weapon in its military campaigns against ethnic insurgents.
By this time, the regime was becoming genuinely concerned that Bush’s policy on Burma was getting tougher. “We thought we had to counter it,” said Aung Lynn Htut.
He and his senior officers gathered information about who they could approach to ask for help. Khin Nyunt’s office started to reach out to Burma scholars who were sympathetic to the regime and who disagreed with the US government’s sanctions policy. Disgruntled prominent dissidents were also approached in a bid to persuade them to switch sides.
The regime also invited senior UN officials to come to Burma.
Joseph Verner Reed, the UN undersecretary and special adviser to former UN chief Kofi Annan and now to Ban Ki-moon, arrived in Rangoon to attend an event marking United Nations Day in 2002.
The high-ranking UN official was known to be close to some senior officers of the Burmese regime. Interestingly, he was listed on the board of the U Thant Institute in New York.

U Thant, a Burmese, was the UN secretary-general from 1961 to 1971.
In a speech to commemorate the founding of the UN, Khin Nyunt said that Burma had always considered the world body to be of fundamental importance for the preservation of international peace and security and for the promotion of the economic and social development of mankind.
“I wish to express our sincere appreciation and thanks to the United Nations and to the Honorable Under Secretary General Mr Joseph Verner Reed in particular for making this possible,” Khin Nyunt said in his speech, praising his special guest for attending.But why did Khin Nyunt approach Reed in the first place?
“We gathered information that he didn’t like Aung San Suu Kyi,” Aung Lynn Htut, who acted as a liaison officer between Reed’s office and Khin Nyunt’s, said with a laugh.
In Washington, Burmese intelligence officers knew that it wouldn’t be so easy to find a sympathetic ear. They were up against US-based campaign groups and exiled Burmese activists who had considerable influence in forming US policy on Burma. They realized that it would not be easy to convince State Department officials, let alone Congress and the White House, that the regime was not as reprehensible as it had been portrayed.
Reports of forced labor, child soldiers and systematic rape committed by Burmese troops were thorny issues, and Khin Nyunt and his senior officers who handled foreign affairs realized that it would be an uphill battle.
Nevertheless, Khin Nyunt’s intelligence unit managed to reach a few US State Department officials with its message, including Matthew Daley, then head of the Southeast Asia Department. Daley once said that the US sanctions policy on Burma had failed and was not moving the country in the right direction.
Then, in May 2002, the regime took a bold step by releasing Suu Kyi. The Nobel Peace Prize winner was allowed to go on political organizing trips to the countryside. In return, she agreed to inspect the regime’s development projects.
That same month, despite a visa ban and active US sanctions, senior intelligence officer Maj-Gen Kyaw Thein was given a visa to enter the US to brief some senior government officials on the Burmese regime’s efforts to eradicate illicit opium production. 
Meanwhile, as Suu Kyi began to travel around the countryside meeting her supporters, intelligence officers were engaging in behind-the-scenes negotiations with the opposition leader. Maj-Gen Kyaw Win, deputy head of OCMI, his deputy, Brig-Gen Than Htun, and Minister of Home Affairs Col Tin Hlaing were involved in the talks with Suu Kyi.
News of this “secret dialogue” was leaked to then UN Special Envoy Razali Ismail by Foreign Minister Win Aung, a loyal follower of Khin Nyunt. Razali, who played no part in facilitating this dialogue, released this information to the world, which welcomed the first signs of political progress to come out of the country in many years.
The “kinder and gentler” image of the junta was further enhanced by The Myanmar Times, which faithfully propagated the regime’s agenda. The newspaper gave extensive coverage to the regime’s fight against HIV/AIDS and its increased cooperation with the UN, and even highlighted a visit to Burma by the family of U Thant as evidence of a changing political climate.
As all of these developments were unfolding, Khin Nyunt gave briefings to Than Shwe to attempt to persuade the junta’s supreme commander to open up more space for international agencies such as the International Labor Organization and the International Committee of the Red Cross.
In his efforts to convince Than Shwe of the need for greater openness, Khin Nyunt often turned to the senior leader’s deputy, Kyaw Win, for help.
Kyaw Win was a specialist in psychological warfare who had served under Than Shwe since he was a junior officer in the army. It was known that he could freely enter Than Shwe’s office at any time. He often came late at night, offering tea or a massage, to talk about the need to allow more international agencies to operate in Burma and to tackle sensitive issues such as forced labor and the recruitment of child soldiers.
But it wasn’t easy. Than Shwe was stubborn and completely indifferent to the opinions of his foreign critics, said Aung Lynn Htut, who had met the top general on a number of occasions.
“He was a bulldog,” recalled the former major. “He didn’t really care about international pressure.”
On the child soldier issue, for instance, Than Shwe completely dismissed criticism, telling his subordinates, “Don’t worry.